When the PKR was born amid the Reformasi movement of 1998, it carried the hopes of millions of Malaysians disillusioned by authoritarian rule, corruption, and institutional decay. ‘Justice for all’, ‘rule of law’, and ‘clean governance‘ were not mere slogans—they were rallying cries for a new Malaysia.
PKR, with its roots in dissent and its eyes set on systemic reform, presented itself as the antidote to decades of entrenched power under Barisan Nasional (BN). But fast forward to today, and the question looms large: Has PKR abandoned its reformist soul after becoming part of the ruling coalition?
The seeds of PKR were sown in protest. The sacking and arrest of Anwar Ibrahim in 1998 sparked a nationwide movement that called for democratic freedoms, judicial independence, and the end of cronyism. PKR emerged as a multiracial party promising to do politics differently—putting principles before power. For years, its leaders endured arrests, ridicule, and marginalization. The struggle was authentic, and the cause noble.
However, 2018 marked a historic turning point. Pakatan Harapan, the coalition including PKR, won the general election and broke BN’s decades-long grip on power. The euphoria was electric. Malaysians believed real change had arrived. But it didn’t take long for disillusionment to set in.
Once in power, the idealism that fueled PKR’s rise seemed to evaporate. Internal factionalism, especially between the camps of Anwar Ibrahim and Azmin Ali, erupted into public view. The 2020 Sheraton Move, which caused the collapse of the Pakatan Harapan government, exposed just how fragile the coalition—and PKR’s leadership—really was. Instead of focusing on reforms, PKR became consumed by political chess games.
Even after returning to power in 2022 under the unity government, PKR’s commitment to systemic change has remained questionable. Key reforms promised in their manifesto have either been delayed or watered down. The much-anticipated separation of the Attorney-General’s Chambers and Public Prosecutor’s Office is still in limbo. Institutional reforms like curbing the prime minister’s powers or establishing stronger oversight bodies have taken a backseat to political consolidation.
Rafizi’s ousting is more than just a political maneuver—it’s a symbolic burial of Reformasi within PKR. What began as a people’s movement to challenge authoritarianism has morphed into another party navigating the same tired political playbook. The idealism that once defined PKR is now buried under layers of compromise, calculation, and careerism.
While stability is a legitimate concern for any government, PKR seems to have traded its reformist credentials for political survival. In doing so, it risks becoming indistinguishable from the very establishment it once fought to dismantle. Critics point out that the party has become increasingly cautious, unwilling to take bold stances that might upset its political allies.
This pragmatism—some call it realpolitik—has disappointed many grassroots supporters. Civil society groups that once championed PKR’s agenda now question whether the party still believes in the reforms it once fought for. Youths who joined street rallies decades ago now see the party they helped build as part of the same elite class they once opposed.
Perhaps the most glaring indication that reformation is dead within PKR is how the language of reform has become hollow. ‘Good governance’, ‘transparency’, and ‘accountability‘ are still uttered in speeches—but rarely translated into policy. The rakyat’s frustrations are growing. Rising living costs, unresolved corruption cases, and selective prosecutions are eroding public trust.
PKR’s transformation from rebel to ruler should have been an opportunity to demonstrate that idealism and power can coexist. Instead, it has become a cautionary tale: that once the machinery of the state is within reach, even the most well-meaning parties can lose their moral compass.
As it stands today, Reformasi is dead in PKR. And its grave is marked with the name of the very man who fought hardest to keep it alive.
The writer is a Central Committee member of PAS and the Deputy Commissioner of PAS Johor.
HARAKAHDAILY 30 May 2025
